One-time Vice-President Dick Cheney: A Retrospective on His Impactful Time in Office
The former US vice-president Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was considered arguably the most significant occupants of that office in American history. While many vice-presidents were limited to minor or ceremonial positions, Cheney wielded huge sway during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently referred to as the "true president".
Bush disliked that description and stated the dynamic was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, invariably addressing him in public settings as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their partnership as a collaboration because it indicated that they were peers. Regardless of these objections, Cheney viewed the relaxed president pliable on a wide array of policy decisions.
A Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a contingent of conservative hawks that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been participating in a session at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the destruction of any unresponsive aircraft nearing the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the attacks altered his perspective, making him become focused on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a invasion of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Actions
He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the harsh treatment of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on misleading information repeated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It was the correct action to do back then. I was convinced then and I hold that view now."
Yet during that period, there were dissenting voices at a senior level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I observed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, carelessness, and unaccountability: at worst, deception, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had written a memorandum setting out situations in which US concerns might be threatened (featuring "access to vital raw materials, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be postured to operate alone when cooperative measures prove impossible," particularly mentioning armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the presidency somewhat determined on implementing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been fired by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of reducing America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a conspiracy to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally objected to that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his predecessor's face that each person had to step on.
Investigation Approaches
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken behind invading Iraq, consistently referencing agency briefings that were both insubstantial or entirely misleading. He backed what the Bush government politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the application of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had been obtained through the torture, Cheney disregarded the findings as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish programmes to apprehend the perpetrators who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they earn a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in monikers assigned to him by critics such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the idea that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that operates invisibly leave his hole? That is a nice way to operate, in fact."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his corporate affiliations followed him during his tenure as second-in-command. Even though he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but strong connections in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest petroleum corporations, in 1995 as leader and CEO.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the presidency. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US agreements worth billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his period at the firm grew from his previous salary during his time as Pentagon chief to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a package valued at more than $20m|twenty